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2019年1月12&13日托福考试阅读预测机经(版本合集!)

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本周末两天将迎来新年的第二场和第三场托福考试,相信大家都已经做好了充分的准备。小编为大家整理了两场考试的预测机经,临考前,来缓解一下紧张的心情吧。以下是本场考试阅读预测机经。

本周末两天将迎来新年的第二场和第三场托福考试,相信大家都已经做好了充分的准备。小编为大家整理了两场考试的预测机经,临考前,来缓解一下紧张的心情吧。以下是本场考试阅读预测机经。


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>>>免费下载2019年1月12&13日托福考试预测机经汇总(版本合集!).pdf


{版本1}


一、主要说欧洲17世界的政治格局的改变。

1、17世纪随着宗教力量的削弱,贵族权力的扩大,商人阶级的兴起,欧洲国家的内部organization也发生了一些改变。政府的机构开始进一步完善。

2、欧洲国家开始把政府重心放在促进生产上。政府开始设定机构由政府官员来推广文化的传播、设立医疗设施、在军队实行有等级的军官制度、投资促进农业技术的革新。通过这些方式,欧洲一些国家有了更多收入,扩充了国库。比如,法国,虽然它的国王还是强调broad power,喜欢通过战争来扩大自己的影响力,但是Spain 和 Holland 也开始效仿它的一些做法,积极发展贸易。(此处考了一个句子简化题,并列复合句,前句后句互相解释,注意重点信息和主干)。

3、虽然国家机构有所发展,但是并没有像中国那样强有力的政府机构。欧洲国家开始意识到国家意识。但是国家意识的崛起意味着国家间boundary以及其他文化区别的确定。比如法国开始purify自己的语言,强调国家间文化的不同。于此同时中东和亚洲民族正在embrace different cultures。

4、政治机构的存在感比较弱,平民只有在征税或者其他一些少量时候才会看到政府官员,这样不利于政府的管理。所以政府机构进一步改善。在军队中开始有一系列改变,设置了军队的治疗中心,确定了各种刑罚。同时开始用监狱的罪犯来扩充军队。比如holland开始出现最早的监狱,这一点也是向法国学习。

5、但是直到17世纪晚期,都不要把政府机构看的太重要。17世纪最重要的不是政府的功能,而是政治结构的改变。其中最有创新性的是英国1688年通过了议会改革,这个改革赋予了议会更大的权力,议会可以制定和执行法律,这个给议会后期作用的发挥和权力的扩大奠定了很好的基础。


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1、科学家根据动物的温度把它们划分为poikilotherm和homoiotherm.其中poikilotherm是身体会不受周围环境影响,自身温度独立于周围环境的动物;homoiotherm是身体温度和周围环境温度保持一致,没有独立调节自身温度的动物。动物调节温度的能力取决于周围环境的传导性,比如在水里,水的heat capacity就比较高导热性很好,所以水里的动物如果想要和周围的温度不一样就很难,一般水里的动物温度和周围环境不会超过2度;但是空气的heat capacity 和导热性就很差,所以陆地的动物就可以和外部温度有一个比较大的差别。

2、但是科学家随后发现这种分类有很大缺陷。比如被划分为poikilotherm的动物其实自己没有调节自身温度的能力,虽然和周围温度相差很大,但是自身温度全年相差不大;但是被划分为homoiotherm的动物,虽然和周围温度相差不大,但是自身温度全年变化比较大。所以科学家用了不同的方式来划分动物:endotherm 和ectotherm. Endotherm指的是热力来源于自身内部的动物;ectotherm指的是没有自身热力来源系统,主要依靠外部环境来获取热量的动物。

3、虽然有了这样的划分,但是动物并不是完全只会用一种方式获取热量。比如北美的一种鸟:roadrunner,它就是一种Endotherm动物,自身温差白天和夜里相差比较大,但是它每天早晨会去晒太阳,从外部获取热量,使自身温度升高。

4、举例有一种蛇,虽然是ectotherm,但是在它孵化卵的时候,会用自己身体紧紧裹着卵,然后在夜里温度比较低的时候,利用肌肉活动提高新陈代谢,提高体温。这篇文章比较对比,而且文章结构和题目设置比较简单,属于四篇中最简单的一篇文章。


{版本2}

 

1月12日


真题来源:2015-2-1CN The Chaco Phenomenon


•P1: Between about 900 to 1150 AD, a mysterious Stone Age culture arose, flourished, and then vanished in the semi-desert region of the Southwestern United States. Named the Chaco culture after the canyon in which the principal ruins are found, nearly everything about this ancient society is shrouded in mystery. A truly remarkable transformation in settlement patterns occurred in the San Juan basin in northwestern New Mexico, with small household farmsteads giving way to aggregated communities centered on communal masonry buildings that are now called "great houses.” These multi-level buildings of up to 800 rooms are scattered over thousands of square miles of the Four Corners area of the Southwest. The entire episode of great house construction in Chaco, the Bonito phase (A.D. 900-”40). was signifying an pronounced period of immense cooperative effort. Pueblo Chetro Ketl's outer wall alone is calculated to be composed of 30 million stones which were brought to the canyon from distances between 80 and 150 kilometers away. Many of the stones had to be shaped before being positioned and built into a huge project. But by 1140 AD, the massive construction ceased abruptly, followed by a rapid decline in use of the great houses find apparent abandonment of the canyon in the thirteenth century.

大约在公元900年到1150年之间,一种神秘的石器时代文化在美国西南部的半沙漠地区兴起、繁荣,然后消失。以发现主要遗迹的峡谷命名的查科文化,几乎这个古老社会的一切都笼罩在神秘之中。在新墨西哥州西北部的圣胡安盆地,定居模式发生了真正显著的转变,小型家庭农场让位给了以社区砖石建筑为中心的聚集社区,这些建筑现在被称为“大房子”。这些多达800间客房的多层建筑散布在西南四角地区数千平方英里的土地上。查科伟大的房屋建设的整个阶段,博尼托阶段(公元900年- 40年)。这标志着一个显著的巨大合作努力的时期。据估计,仅普韦布洛-切特罗-凯特的外墙就由3000万块石头组成,这些石头是从80公里到150公里以外的地方运来的。许多石头在被放置和建造成一个巨大的工程之前必须被塑造。但是到了公元1140年,大规模的建筑突然停止,随之而来的是对大房子使用的迅速减少。


•P2: For more than a century archaeologists have struggled to understand the circumstances surrounding the rise and collapse of Chacoan society一dubbed the Chaco Phenomenon. Specifically, research has focused on determing why such an apparently inhospitable place as Chaco, which today is extremely arid and has very short growing seasons, should have been favored for the concentration of labor that must have been required for such massive construction projects over brief periods of time. Until the 1970s, scholars and the public alike had a long-shared notion that Chaco had been a forested oasis that attracted farmers who Initially nourished but eventually fell victim to their own success and exuberance, as they employed unsustainable land-use practices build their Impressive communities. Yet there is no substantial evidence, archaeological, otherwise, to support such contention.

一个多世纪以来,考古学家在努力理解围绕查科社会的崛起和崩溃的情况一被称为查科的现象。具体地说,研究集中在确定为什么像查科这样明显不适宜居住的地方,在今天是极其干旱和生长季节非常短的地方,应该被青睐于集中劳动力,而这些劳动力必须在短时间内完成如此大规模的建设项目。直到20世纪70年代,学者和公众一直有一个共识,认为查科是一片森林覆盖的绿洲,吸引了农民,他们最初是靠种地为生,但最终却沦为自身成功和繁荣的牺牲品,因为他们采用了不可持续的土地使用方式,建立了令人印象深刻的社区。然而,除此之外,并没有考古学上的确凿证据来支持这种观点。


•P3: However, recent geological field studies in Chaco have produced some table-turning evidence that may require a significant reassessment of the assumption that the canyon was not a favorable agricultural setting. It appears that during the extraordinary construction boom in the first half of the eleventh century, a devastating flood occurred, resulting in extreme difficulty irrigating the area. A large natural lake, near the biggest concentration of great houses, may have existed at the western end of Chaco and might have suspended which would then have flowed into the canyon. The presence of an abundance of water and, equally important, a source of sediment that replenished agricultural fields, presumably made the canyon an extremely attractive place for newly arriving people from the northern San Juan River basin. In fact, during the 1980s, this reconstruction was largely dismissed in response to evidence that there were only scattered trees along cliffs and escarpments above the canyon rather than woodlands in the first place, and that canyon soil was highly sensitive to increase in aridity and temperature and thus unsuitable for farming, regardless of the amount of trees. As long-standing scientific consensus was undergoing this transformation, the position of the canyon within a regional network of dispersed agricultural communities called up more academic attention.

然而,最近在查科的地质实地研究已经产生了一些翻台的证据,可能需要对峡谷不是一个有利的农业环境这一假设进行重大的重新评估。似乎在11世纪上半叶的建设热潮中,发生了一场毁灭性的洪水,给该地区的灌溉带来了极大的困难。一个巨大的天然湖泊,靠近最大的住宅集中地,可能存在于查科的西端,并可能悬在那里,然后流入峡谷。大量的水,同样重要的是,丰富的沉积物来源补充了农业用地,这可能使峡谷对来自北部圣胡安河盆地的新移民极具吸引力。事实上,在1980年代,这个重建主要是驳回了针对证据表明只有零星树木沿着峭壁和高峡谷之上而不是林地首先,峡谷的土壤是高度敏感干燥和温度的增加,因此不适合耕种,无论树木的数量。由于长期以来的科学共识正在经历这种转变,大峡谷在分散的农业社区区域网络中的位置引起了更多的学术关注。


P4: The adoption of a regional perspective in explaining the Chaco Phenomenon was based m part on the discovery of formal trails. A combination of remote sensing techniques and ground verification defined a prehistoric road system which extended outward from Chaco Canyon into the surrounding San Juan Basin, later referred to as Chaco -outliers." These trails are densest around the concentration of great houses in the center, and the canyon itself is roughly at the center of the basin. Consequently, Chaco Canyon was intimately related to other settlements in a single cultural web flung across 30,000 square miles and which reached into Colorado and Utah, all tied together by a network of ancient roads. The current consensus view is that religion provided the fundamental explanation for this centrifugal pattern.

采用区域视角来解释查科现象是基于m部分正式踪迹的发现。结合遥感技术和地面验证,确定了史前道路系统,从查科峡谷延伸到周围的圣胡安盆地,后来被称为查科离群值。这些痕迹最密集的地方集中在中心的大房子周围,峡谷本身大致在盆地的中心。因此,查科峡谷与其他聚落紧密相连,形成了一个横跨3万平方英里的文化网络,并延伸至科罗拉多州和犹他州,所有这些聚落都被古老的道路网络连接在一起。目前的共识是,宗教为这种离心模式提供了基本解释。


P5: After close study of great kivas (multipurpose rooms used for religious, political, and social functions), archeologists , tend to depict Chaco as a location of high devotional expression and the pilgrimage center of a sacred landscape. The kiva structure itself, of whatever size, occupies a special and sacred place in Pueblo architecture. Excavation of some of these vaults suggests that they were once associated with ceremonies. Archaeological record presented some ritual artifacts, including caches of turquoise beads and pendants, unusual ceramic vessels and wooden objects, several rooms with multiple human burials, and especially the large number of kivas found in great houses. Most of these indicators occur only at Pueblo Bonito, but archaeologists generally assume that all the great houses had a similar ritual function. Some scholars have even argued that the great houses were temples instead of residences.

在仔细研究了大的基瓦(用于宗教、政治和社会功能的多功能房间)之后,考古学家倾向于把查科描绘成一个高度虔诚的表达和神圣景观的朝圣中心。kiva建筑本身,无论大小,在普韦布洛建筑中占据着特殊而神圣的位置。对其中一些拱顶的挖掘表明,它们曾经与仪式有关。考古记录展示了一些仪式的文物,包括青绿的珠子和吊坠的窖藏,不寻常的陶瓷器皿和木器,几个有多人埋葬的房间,尤其是在大房子里发现的大量的基瓦人。这些迹象大多只出现在普韦布洛博尼托,但考古学家一般认为所有的大房子都有类似的仪式功能。一些学者甚至认为这些大房子是寺庙而不是住宅。


题目:

1. The word "signifying” in the passage is closest in meaning to文中“预示”一词的意思最接近于


A. creating

B. indicating

C. initiating

D. requiring


2. The word “ceased” in the passage is closest in meaning to文中“停止”一词的意思最接近于


A. stow down

B. accelerated

C. stopped

D. changed in style


3. According to paragraph 1, all of the following provide evidence that the Bonito phase was a time of immense cooperative effort EXCEPT根据第1段,下列各点都提供了证据,证明博尼托阶段是一个合作努力巨大的时期,除了


A. the large amounts of material needed

B. the size of the Pueblo Bonito complex

C. the unusual materials used in construction

D. the distance the materials needed to be transported


4. Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential Information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information.下面哪个句子最能表达文章中突出显示的句子的基本信息?错误的选择以重要的方式改变了意义,或者遗漏了重要的信息。


A. Researchers have tried to establish why an area as dry Chaco was the site of such large construction efforts.

B. Researchers have tried to establish whether the concentration of massive construction projects in a brief period of time made Chaco the dry area that it is today.

C. Researchers have established that Chaco's brief growing season required a concentration of labor to produce large quantities of rood in a short period of time

D. Researchers have established that the hot, dry climate of Chaco forced workers to complete construction on large buildings in short periods of time.


5. According to paragraph 2, before 1970, scholars believed that Chacoan society collapsed because根据第2段,1970年以前,学者们认为查科社会的崩溃是因为


A. Chaco never had the forests that were needed for the development of a stable agricultural economy

B. farmers used up the natural resources in Chaco that had originally allowed the society to succeed.

C. Chaco suffered a long-term drought that prevented farmers from growing enough food

D. laborers left Chaco to find other work after they finished building the great houses there.


6. It can be Inferred from paragraph 2 that the pre-1970s theory about the Chaco Phenomenon

从第2段可以推断出20世纪70年代以前关于查科现象的理论


A. was based on the widespread farm and tool remains found by archaeologists on the site.

B. was largely reinforced by findings in the 1980s

C. was not supported by substantial evidence.

D. was so strong that it went unchallenged for many decades.


1月13日


真题来源:2015-8-22CN The Upper Paleolithic Revolution


P1: The Old Stone Age is the earliest period of human development and the longest phase of mankind’s history. It was not till around 30 thousand years ago (or 30 “kya") that the archaeological record reveals the emergence of technical and social advances, which comprised new technologies, hunting techniques, human burials, and an artistic tradition of astonishing competency. This dramatic change was known as the Upper Paleolithic Revolution. It had been traditionally argued that the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was an archaeological phenomenon exclusive to Eurasia. The absence of equivalent evidence in other regions suggested that a fundamental change had occurred in human intellectual development around 40 kya in Europe. However, the recent discovery in the Blombos Cave in South Africa of a block of decorated ochre and then sets of shell beads, dated to around 77 kya, opened up the debate. This supports other evidence of more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa from the same period. Now the Upper Paleolithic Revolution is regarded as the most noticeable evidence for the evolution of modern human behavior.

旧石器时代是人类发展的最早阶段,也是人类历史上最长的阶段。直到大约3万年前(或30“缅元”),考古记录才揭示了技术和社会进步的出现,这些进步包括新技术、狩猎技术、人类埋葬以及令人惊叹的能力的艺术传统。这种戏剧性的变化被称为旧石器时代晚期革命。传统上认为旧石器时代晚期的革命是欧亚大陆独有的考古学现象。在其他区域没有同样的证据表明,欧洲大约在40缅元左右的人类智力发展发生了根本变化。然而,最近在南非的布隆博斯洞穴中发现了一块装饰过的赭石,还有几组贝壳珠子,年代约为77缅元,这引发了争议。这也支持了同一时期在非洲发现的其他多用途石器和骨工具的证据。现在,旧石器时代晚期的革命被认为是现代人类行为进化最显著的证据。


•P2: Two further questions follow. First, what was happening to the human cognitive process during the 40,000 years or so from innovative usage of stone in the Blombos Cave to the flourishing of human creativity in Europe? Second, during the Pleistocene a series of momentous climatic events occurred—was climate change then a component? The question of whether the sudden transition seen in Europe was built on earlier developments in Africa has been addressed at length by anthropologists Sally McBrearty and Alison Brooks. They argue that the whole issue of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution stems from a profound Eurocentric bias and a failure to appreciate the depth and breadth of the African archaeological record.

接下来还有两个问题。首先,在大约4万年的时间里,从布隆伯斯洞穴中石头的创新使用到欧洲人类创造力的繁荣,人类的认知过程发生了什么变化?其次,在更新世期间发生了一系列重大的气候事件——气候变化是其中的一个组成部分吗?人类学家萨利·麦克布里亚蒂(Sally McBrearty)和艾莉森·布鲁克斯(Alison Brooks)对欧洲出现的这种突然转变是否建立在非洲早期发展的基础上进行了详细的探讨。他们认为,整个旧石器时代晚期革命的问题源于一种深刻的以欧洲为中心的偏见,以及未能认识到非洲考古记录的深度和广度。


In fact, many South African archaeological sites show that the revolution occurred in Africa during the Middle Paleolithic—tens of thousands of years before they appeared in Europe. This is supported by evidence of using new stone tools like the blade and microlithic technology. Replication has shown that blades from the time required a high level of skill to make due to their shape, indicating a higher level of hominid complexity. At the same time, exploitation of aquatic resources began to prosper.

事实上,许多南非考古遗址表明,这场革命发生在非洲的古橄榄中期,比欧洲早了数万年。这是由使用新的石器工具,如刀片和微岩屑技术的证据支持的。复制表明,从那时起,由于刀刃的形状,刀刃的制作就需要很高的技术水平,这表明原始人类的复杂性更高。与此同时,水产资源的开发也开始繁荣起来。


•P3: Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient 一 humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of modern behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models. The extraordinary range of rock art in Australia adds great weight to the idea that artistic creativity was part and parcel of the intellectual capacity of modem humans that migrated out of Africa around 70 kya For the time being, the emergence of Modern humans in sub-Saharan Africa, socio-economic dynamism that caused their expansion through the Nile Valley into the Near East, and then a migration along the southern route of Asia as far as Australia is the most plausible scenario, though it still leaves much to be desired from future archaeological research.

与这种观点的自发飞跃认知在古代一人类,一些作者喜欢艾莉森·s·布鲁克斯,主要在非洲考古工作,指出现代行为的逐渐积累,开始在50000年的旧石器时代晚期革命的基准模型。澳大利亚岩石艺术的非凡的范围增加了很大的重量,艺术创作是现代人类的智力的一部分迁移出非洲大约有70 kya目前,现代人类的出现在撒哈拉以南非洲地区,社会经济活力,导致他们的扩张通过尼罗河流域近东,然后迁移亚洲南部路线到澳大利亚是最合理的情况下,尽管它在未来的考古研究中仍有许多不足之处。


•P4: The question of the sudden emergence of creative activity that appears to constitute the Upper Paleolithic Revolution falls to the ground. The obvious explanation is that the gap between African developments and the subsequent better-known European events is a matter of the limitations of the archaeological record. This does not altogether cover the question of why there was the sudden flowering of creativity at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.

创造性活动的突然出现似乎构成了旧石器时代晚期的革命,这一问题也就迎刃而解了。显而易见的解释是,非洲的发展与后来更广为人知的欧洲事件之间的差距是由于考古记录的局限性。这并不能完全解释为什么在旧石器时代晚期的欧洲会突然出现创造力的繁荣。


It may be that earlier creative efforts have either been lost in or have yet to emerge from the mists of time. Recent finds of decorative pierced shells dating from 43 kya or even earlier in caves in parts of western Asia near Europe may be examples of a process extending the evidence back in time. The changes in human behavior have also been attributed to the changes in climate during the period, which encompasses a number of global temperature drops. This meant a worsening of the already bitter climate which hence forced the ancestors of today's Europeans to move into a largely unpopulated region, their sudden presence in the archaeological record appearing revolutionary.

可能是早期的创造性努力要么已经消失,要么还没有从时间的迷雾中浮现出来。最近在靠近欧洲的西亚部分地区的洞穴中发现了可追溯到43缅元时期甚至更早的装饰穿甲的贝壳,这可能是将证据追溯回过去的一个过程的例子。人类行为的变化也归因于这一时期的气候变化,包括全球气温的多次下降。这意味着本已恶劣的气候进一步恶化,从而迫使今天欧洲人的祖先搬到一个人口稀少的地区,他们突然出现在考古记录中,似乎是革命性的。


题目:

1. Why does the author mention a block of decorated ochre and sets of shell beads?

作者为什么要提到一块装饰过的赭石和一串串贝壳珠子呢?


A. To help make the point that archaeologists regard artistic creations as the highest kind of human achievement

B. To illustrate how the discovery of certain objects makes the discovery of certain other objects more likely

C. To give some of the evidence that has changed archaeologists' thinking about human intellectual development

D. To help explain why archaeologists have been slow to recognize the importance of certain evidence available to them


2. How far back in time do the origins of the more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa go? 在非洲发现的用途更广的石器和骨工具的起源可以追溯到多久以前


A. To around 40 kya

B. To around 77 kya

C. To the time of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution

D. To a time before modern "human” behavior had begun to evolve


3. The word "equivalent" in the passage is closest in meaning to

这篇文章中的“等同”一词的意思最接近于


A. comprehensible

B. concrete

C. comparable

D. widely debated


4. According to paragraph 2, what do archaeologists want to know about the climate?

根据第2段,考古学家想知道关于气候的什么?


A. Whether it was a reason that humans lived in caves

B. Whether it was stable throughout that period

C. Whether it changed in similar ways in Africa and Europe

D. Whether it was a factor in how the human cognitive process developed


5. According to paragraph 2, anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks argue that archaeologists' traditional understanding of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was flawed because

根据第2段,人类学家麦克布里亚蒂和布鲁克斯认为,考古学家对旧石器时代晚期革命的传统理解是有缺陷的,因为


A. they underestimated available African archaeological evidence.

B. the archaeological evidence available to them contained errors.

C. they could not distinguish artistic creations from objects meant for practical use.

D. they based their judgments on the limited archaeological record available at that time.


6. Anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks consider such components of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution as blade and microlithic technology to have人类学家麦克布里亚蒂和布鲁克斯认为,旧石器时代晚期革命的组成部分包括刀锋和微岩屑技术


A. first emerged in the Middle Paleolithic Period, in Africa rather than in Europe

B. emerged in Europe independently in many different places at different times

C. first emerged in Europe, then to have been further developed in Africa

D. been part of a similarly sudden, but earlier, cultural revolution in Africa


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